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The Sun Daily [Malaysia]
Friday, September 24, 2010
By Himanshu Bhatt
THERE was an intriguing development this week in the economic and
diplomatic dynamics of the small geo-political triangle that covers
the northern parts of Indonesia and Malaysia, and southern Thailand.
The Sumatran province of Aceh, emerging from a calamitous tsunami
six years ago and a protracted home-grown insurgency against the
Indonesian government that ended in 2005, signed its first accord
with a foreign government.
Aceh governor Irwandi Yusof led a delegation to Penang to seal a
memorandum of understanding for, among other things, bilateral trade
and cultural exchange with the northern Malaysian state that boasts
the country’s second strongest economy.
The most dramatic outcome of the dialogue between both sides,
however, was focused on Aceh’s vast natural reserves. If Penang has
little or no natural resources, Aceh teems with an abundance of
fossil fuels, minerals and agricultural commodities. If Aceh is in
need of development expertise, Penang, which houses one of the
largest concentrations of high-tech multinationals in the region and
possesses a highly evolved logistics sector, already has an
established network to funnel the necessary human talents.
And so Aceh in principle agreed to explore Penang as a landing point
for its lucrative oil and gas. The two governments are now set to
iron out details of how the province’s vast offshore reserves, in
what is said to be among the largest untapped reservoirs in the
world, could be channelled to Penang for redistribution and export.
What is absorbing about the whole affair is not just the huge
economic potential offered by the landmark agreement, but also the
uncanny parallels the two parties share in their political
circumstances.
For Irwandi was a leading figure in the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan
Aceh Merdeka or GAM) which struggled for a long time for separation
from Indonesia. He was imprisoned by the Indonesian army in Banda
Aceh (he survived the 2004 tsunami by clambering to the roof of his
jail building), for his role as a senior member of GAM.
Released following the peace accord signed in Helsinki in 2005, he
went on to assume the governor’s post two years later after winning
the elections in a landslide victory.
In an almost similar vein, Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng was
one of the key personalities in the Opposition and was also
imprisoned for some time before he assumed office in Penang
following a crushing victory in the 2008 general election.
But unknown to most people there is another figure behind this whole
deal – a political scientist from Malaysia who played a quiet but
significant role in helping to draft and negotiate the peace treaty
between the Aceh separatists and the Indonesian central authorities
in 2005.
Prof Dr P. Ramasamy was at that time involved in helping to draft a
Norwegian-brokered peace deal in the violent Sri Lanka conflict, but
which was tragically rejected by the government there, and had been
invited to help ease things in rebellion-wracked Mindanao.
And so it must have some as no surprise that as soon as he became
deputy chief minister (II) under Lim in the DAP-led Penang
government, one of Ramasamy’s earliest diplomatic forays in 2008 was
to Aceh, where he was well acquainted with Irwandi and his comrades.
What is important to note is how both Penang and Aceh have each
courted ties with regional neighbours in auxiliary attempts to
strengthen their economies, under constricting and strenuous
relationships with their federal governments.
Tellingly enough, Lim and Irwandi were quick to point out after the
signing of the MOU that the extent of the deal’s success,
particularly for exploration of the oil and gas business, relied on
their central governments.
But interestingly, Aceh seems to have enjoyed far stronger
privileges. For example, under the Helsinki peace deal, the province
is entitled to 70% of oil and gas revenue within its borders, while
some Malaysian states are only given 5%.
The Penang government has been vigorously engaging its neighbours in
the region dubbed the Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle
(IMT-GT). For example, Penang has actively courted the province of
Sumatra Utara, which borders Aceh. Residents and businessmen in the
province’s capital of Medan, a sister city of Penang, have been
increasingly travelling across the Strait of Malacca for investments
and private services like health and education.
Authorities and trading communities from the restive southern Thai
provinces of Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani, have also looked at
Penang to gain investments, and encourage their economies, and
thereby quell disturbances in the rebellion-torn areas.
And so for political observers, initiatives such as the one by Aceh
and Penang – conceived independently from their central governments
– have become intriguing prospects to observe, for how they now
impact the transforming dynamics of the potent IMT-GT region in the
near future.
Himanshu is theSun’s Penang bureau chief. Comments:
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